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Whose side is Trump’s America on? The answer is becoming more and more obvious. - Simon Tisdall


Who is Simon Tisdall and why is America on his side?


I know you meant that in a humorous way, but for Cavanami, Simon Tisdall is the byline of the author of the piece :)

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What is it about Rand Paul, that he could change, to avoid these attacks? His hairstyle? The cut of his suit? His political affiliations? Or maybe, just maybe, when all around you are insane, maybe it's you, maybe it's not them...

Here we go again the propaganda butt monkey is weighing in on a subject he knows nothing about. All this is well documented. Reasons this is happening. Rand is a constitutionalist. The left and the globalist one world order crowd does not want America to have a constitution, bill of rights or guns. With those they will not get their global one world government. Also Rand is on a key Senate sub committee. He has voted against key Soros, Rathchild initiatives meant to help them take over some third world countries. Those are some of the reasons he is being targeted by the left. But you are right he could change something he could be a butt monkey.
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1 - I know what the word decades means - you don't have to shout it... twice...


2 - I have never supported the Clinton. How dare you suggest, it is so. - get some cognition, Moron.


3 - Seeking asylum is not illegal in the USA - shouting ILLEGALLY, does not make it so.

Bull Shit Call; You love Hillary, Billy, O.B. and all the rest of the globalist one world order crowd. It is quite clear that every post you make butts up to the globalist propaganda. Can you say propaganda butt monkey boys and girls.

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So Trump has already won with BMW...cars made in the USA....WOW...just like China does, manufacture inside our country...


A tariff on BMW....WAKE UP...if made in the USA, no tariff and MORE JOBS in the USA


The tariff will INCREASE JOBS in the USA *** if *** that company wants to see in the USA


Understand???? Stretch your pico brain....


Mr Cavanami , you are a nut which is hard to crack really. May I try to pass on some very basic elements of knowledge so that you in future have a more realistic picture of the world as far as it concerns exporting cars :


German factories build about 1,6 million cars in the USA , half of which are exported also into China and the EU . The latter imposing revenge-tariffs on US-built cars of also 25 % would in which way create jobs in the US-factories?


BMW/Mercedes/Audi are premium cars which unfortunately have no competition any more in the US and mostly bought at the East - and Westcoast where the money is. Import taxes are charged on the landing cost of a product and paid by the buyer. To assist in difficult times the manufacturer might lower his export prices so that the final consumer prices would probably result in a maybe 10 percent increase . Would this lead to people invading Cadillac outlets ? BuBi no think so , only Donald and Cavanami.


Disclaimers : I am USA-friendly . I am against 10 % tariffs on US cars imported into Europe. I dislike crooked Hillary. I do not care about Harley Davidson . I do not exclude that Cavanami is probably a nice fellow . I believe BelgianBoy starts suffering form dementia (non-alcoholic) .

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The idea is.... Country X charges xx% on USA products coming in to their country.

OK, so now the USA will charge xx% on the products from country X.

The USA is the largest market in the world so if country X wants a trade war, up to them.


More jobs. ..maybe country X starts producing their products in the USA.

Or, the USA can produce the products that country X produces by some USA people starting a company.


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Trump's North Korea diplomacy aims to contain China


U.S. President Donald Trump, by seeking to clinch a deal directly with Pyongyang, is attempting to effectively cut out the traditional middleman, China. Beijing's growing anxieties over the engagement between Washington and Pyongyang have prompted it to host North Korean strongman Kim Jong Un for the third time in less than three months.


In fact, the White House has already eroded China's role as an essential conduit in U.S. diplomacy with Pyongyang by establishing direct connections, including a virtual hotline, to Kim, while Chinese President Xi Jinping has no hotline with him.


Kim has also fueled Beijing's geopolitical troubles, displaying strategic defiance as he attempts to cut North Korea's dependence on China, its longtime benefactor. In his search for a grand bargain to end North Korea's international isolation, Kim effectively sidelined China by deciding to hold separate summits with his nation's bitterest enemies, South Korea and the U.S.


Instead of both Koreas leaning toward China, as Xi's strategy seeks, recent developments are consigning Beijing to a peripheral role in the region just when a trade war with the U.S. looms large. China has silently waged a trade war for years, facing no international reprisals. The situation will fundamentally change if the bulk of Trump's tariffs of 25% on $50 billion of imports from China take effect from July 6.


Kim's three visits to China in quick succession cannot obscure the serious strains in Beijing-Pyongyang relations, which Mao Zedong famously claimed were as close as lips are to teeth. Distrust of China, the historical rival of Koreans, runs deep in North Korea, which has no monuments honoring the 400,000 Chinese soldiers who died fighting on its behalf during the 1950-1953 Korean War.


Bilateral ties began deteriorating after Kim came to power in late 2011. China's state media accused him of pursuing the "de-Sinification" of the hermit kingdom. Kim broke with the tradition set by his father and grandfather, who ruled before him, of paying obeisance in Beijing. To counterbalance China's influence, Kim sent out feelers to U.S. President Barack Obama to improve relations, only to be rebuffed.


Yet Kim's defiance of China continued. His nuclear and missile tests were often timed to snub Beijing. The tests set in motion developments adverse to Chinese interests -- from initiating Japan's efforts to strengthen its military to prompting the U.S. to deploy the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense, or THAAD, anti-missile system in South Korea. THAAD's deployment led to China's heavy-handed and counterproductive economic sanctioning of South Korea.


Xi sought to ease the increasingly fraught relationship with Pyongyang only after Trump began laying the groundwork for a summit with Kim by using the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency to communicate with its North Korean counterpart, the Reconnaissance General Bureau. Despite the past North Korean snubs, Xi sent a senior envoy to Pyongyang to invite Kim to China, his first foreign trip since assuming power.


Kim's China visits since late March have been primarily aimed at strengthening his own bargaining position with the U.S. By playing one power against the other, he has sought to bolster his leverage. But his action in inviting observers from the U.S. and South Korea, but not China, to the dismantlement of North Korea's nuclear test site indicated that he is unwilling to forgive Beijing for its linchpin role in imposing United Nations sanctions against his nation.


Consequently, China, which values North Korea as a strategic buffer against the U.S. military presence in South Korea, has become increasingly suspicious of Kim's overtures to Washington and the Trump administration's direct dealings with Pyongyang. U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo's visit to Beijing after the Trump-Xi summit did little to allay Chinese apprehensions.


Beijing fears that, just as it formally turned against the Soviet Union after it developed high-level contacts with the U.S. in the early 1970s, its estranged ally, North Korea, could similarly switch sides now. Kim, however, seems more interested in achieving a limited goal -- rebalancing his foreign policy by mending fences with the U.S. to reduce North Korea's reliance on China, whose neo-imperialist policies are arousing growing concerns in Asia and beyond.


Make no mistake: The path to North Korea's denuclearization promises to be long and difficult, given its extensive nuclear and missile infrastructure and Kim's firm belief that the nuclear arsenal serves as insurance against his country becoming China's colony. Not only does such an arsenal hold greater security implications for China than for the U.S., but also Trump's diplomacy is making it more difficult for Beijing to keep North Korea in its orbit. Washington's direct diplomacy with North Korea began in dramatic fashion, with Pompeo, when he was CIA chief, holding unpublicized talks with Kim in Pyongyang.


Yet some analysts have speciously claimed that China, without being at the table, was the clear winner from Trump's summit with Kim. Critics have accused Trump of making "big concessions" in exchange for securing indefinable commitments from Kim. The only concession Trump made -- suspending U.S. war games with South Korea as a gesture of good faith -- is easily reversible if negotiations do not yield progress.


To be sure, Beijing last September proposed the suspension of the U.S. military exercises in exchange for a North Korean moratorium on nuclear and missile testing. It was Kim, however, who undermined China's "freeze for freeze" proposal by unilaterally declaring a test moratorium in April without any reciprocal U.S. concession.


Under Obama, the U.S. helped end Myanmar's international isolation, with the U.S. president paying a historic visit to that county in 2012. The shift in U.S. policy allowed Myanmar to cut its dependence on China and open its economy to Western investors. Now Trump is encouraging another isolated, China-dependent state, North Korea, to end its international pariah status.


North Korea -- with its vast store of iron ore, magnesite, copper and other minerals -- is resource-rich like Myanmar, whose natural reserves range from oil and gas to jade and timber. Resource-hungry China has been the dominant importer of natural resources from both of these countries.


North Korea, however, is different from Myanmar in two key aspects. It is armed with potent nuclear and missile capabilities, while it is also a homogenous and regimented society, in contrast to ethnically diverse and troubled Myanmar.


Trump is right that at this stage fundamentally changing the U.S.-North Korea relationship matters more than denuclearization. If the West encourages Kim's efforts to modernize the North Korean economy, just as it aided China's economic rise since the late 1970s, it will help to moderate Pyongyang's behavior. Economic engagement can achieve a lot more than economic sanctions, which counter productively accelerated North Korea's nuclear and missile advances.


U.S. policy under Trump's predecessors, instead of helping Pyongyang to escape from China's clutches, attempted to push it further into China's corner. It also helped Beijing to play the North Korea card against the U.S. and its regional allies, Japan and South Korea.


But Beijing's efforts to string the U.S. along on North Korea came to naught when Washington established direct contact with Pyongyang. Beijing even tried to use its North Korea leverage in the trade dispute with Washington, which explains why Trump waited until after his summit with Kim to announce new planned tariffs against China.


With Washington's sanctions-only approach encouraging Pyongyang to expand its nuclear and missile programs, a shift in its North Korea policy became imperative even before Trump took office. Trump's direct diplomacy seeks to address that imperative by seizing on Pyongyang's desire to unlock frozen ties with the U.S. and by exploiting the China-North Korea rift.


At the core of Trump's North Korea gambit is the containment of China, a fact many analysts have missed. By seeking to co-opt North Korea, including encouraging closer links with Seoul, Washington aims to foster a major new regional alignment that diminishes China's relevance.


If Beijing cannot keep North Korea as a client state, China's lonely rise will become more conspicuous. Its only other strategic ally is Pakistan. The more power China has accumulated, the greater has been its problems in gaining reliable security partners, underscoring that regional leadership demands more than brute might.


Clearing the path to North Korean disarmament will not be easy. Yet Trump's direct diplomacy promises to positively change northeast Asian geopolitics by crimping China's leverage and role, even as U.S. troops remain in South Korea. If Washington stays on its current course, China will be the clear loser.



Brahma Chellaney is a geostrategist and the author of nine books, including the award-winning "Water: Asia's New Battleground."


https://asia.nikkei....ergreen content

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Mr Flasher , if political genius President Donald prides himself eroding the close relationship that the rocketman ( probably ) has with China so why does he do everything to drive the rest of the world towards China ? Just today the Chinese Prime Minister visited Berlin being treated like he never could dream of before. I hate to see it.


" If Washington stays on its current course, China will be the clear loser. " I think him drink too mut. Just imagine they get really angry and start selling the Yankee Dollah. Their domestic market now absorbs about 80 % of the factory output.


" At the core of Trump's North Korea gambit is the containment of China " By upsetting US allies and ripping trade agreements apart ? Great logic.


Disclaimer : I feel no sympathy towards the Chinamen, only like their pricelists.

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