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While protesters in Bangkok burn his effigy, in this northern town where Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was born they light incense sticks and pray he will continue to run the country.

.

"He is a beloved person here, everyone in San Kamphaeng loves him," says Jamsri Pokonthong, 46, at her lottery ticket stall in front of one of the traditional teak houses that line the main street.

.

"We pray to the Buddha that he will be the winner in this situation."

.

The Shinawatra name is now emblazoned on everything from satellites to silk stores, but it was in this pretty township on the outskirts of the northern city of Chiang Mai that the family made its first fortune.

.

Their classic immigrant success story began in 1877 when Thaksin's great-grandfather arrived in Siam as a penniless immigrant from China.

.

At that time Seng Sae Khu, one of countless fortune-seekers who left Guangdong province during that era, did not even possess the Shinawatra name that the family adopted later during an assimilation campaign.

.

But by working hard, taking risks and sticking together, his many descendents became one of northern Thailand's most prosperous families, and saw one of its members become both the leader of the country and its richest man.

.

"The pride and joy of the family is Police Lieutenant Colonel Dr Thaksin Shinawatra who became prime minister in 2001," reads a plaque at Shinawatra Thai Silk, the lush showroom of his relatives' textile business in Chiang Mai.

.

In a mini family museum there, hang photographs of generations of Shinawatras, arrayed under an unsmiling sepia image of Seng, who prospered as a gambling tax collector.

.

However, the family really made its mark in San Kamphaeng, a pretty township just east of the northern capital, which is famed for both its textiles and the beauty of its fair-skinned women.

.

Thaksin's grandfather Chiang Shinawatra, who married a local girl, seized on the idea of transforming the small-scale weaving that went on in most homes into a commercial enterprise.

.

Soon he was selling finely woven silk around the country and beyond, and set to work his 12 children who travelled to France to study fashion and to Japan and Germany to learn new technologies.

.

By the time Thaksin was born on July 26, 1949, the Shinawatras were one of the most prominent and successful families in the region.

.

But his father Lert evidently did not have the same deft touch and his various enterprises, which included running for public office and operating a bus service, movie theatres and a coffee shop, were prone to failure.

.

Thaksin often tells the story of how he helped out his father after school, washing glasses and mixing drinks for customers.

.

But his cousin Wiwat Hirunpruk recalls that the family patriarch Chiang singled Thaksin out, and nurtured his interest in politics by bringing him in from play to read the newspaper aloud for the elderly man.

.

"He would tell us, 'There are so many butterflies in the air, anyone can catch one. But first you must reach out.' He was teaching us how to succeed in business, in a diplomatic way," Wiwat says.

.

Thaksin's success now threatens to become his downfall, after the 1.9-billion-dollar tax-free sale of the telecoms conglomerate he founded ignited anti-government sentiment and calls for his resignation.

.

After leaving San Kamphaeng behind, Thaksin joined the police force in 1973 and went into business soon after. A silk shop he opened failed, as did a foray into film distribution, before he turned to new technologies.

.

In 1981 he began leasing computers to the police force in a venture that initially struggled, plunging Thaksin and his wife Pojamarn into debt, but eventually leading to a string of profitable contracts.

.

His big break came in 1990 when he made an audacious bid for a 20-year concession from the Telephone Organisation of Thailand, paying 20 billion baht (514 million dollars) in fees to gain the contract.

.

To this day Thaksin is dogged by accusations over the way he established his business, and conflicts of interest after he went into politics, despite having handed the corporation over to his family.

.

"His rise to power was fuelled by money, and his money obtained in part by patronage," The Economist magazine said in a recent editorial that compared him to Italy's billionaire prime minister.

.

"When, in early 2001, he was on the point of winning his first election, we compared him to Italy's Silvio Berlusconi. It was not intended as a compliment," it said.

.

There were also accusations of patronage when relatives were appointed to key posts, including a cousin made army commander-in-chief, and a sister appointed president of the country's largest mobile provider.

.

Thaksin still visits San Kamphaeng, which is home to some of his most fervent supporters, particularly elderly people who fondly recall the days when he used to play in the marketplace in short trousers.

.

They are horrified at the weekly protests in the capital Bangkok demanding the premier's resignation and accusing him of corruption and abuse of power.

.

Like many other Thais outside Bangkok, where the anti-government campaign is focused, the lottery ticket seller Jamsri applauds Thaksin's efforts to rejuvenate rural areas and a "war on drugs" that left thousands dead but curbed an epidemic of methamphetamines.

.

"I'm impressed with the way he eliminated yaa ba (crazy medicine) and helped people at every level. Not only here in Chiang Mai, but everywhere," she says.

.

Local residents credit Thaksin with bringing improvements to their town, but Wiwat, Thaksin's cousin who is the founder of a major silk enterprise, admits that the family name does not always carry benefits.

.

"People say the whole family is eating the country," he says. "It's not fair when people say the Shinawatras are a bad family and refuse to come to our stores."

.

"We just happen to be Shinawatra and what is wrong with that?" ? AFP While protesters in Bangkok burn his effigy, in this northern town where Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was born they light incense sticks and pray he will continue to run the country.

.

"He is a beloved person here, everyone in San Kamphaeng loves him," says Jamsri Pokonthong, 46, at her lottery ticket stall in front of one of the traditional teak houses that line the main street.

.

"We pray to the Buddha that he will be the winner in this situation."

.

The Shinawatra name is now emblazoned on everything from satellites to silk stores, but it was in this pretty township on the outskirts of the northern city of Chiang Mai that the family made its first fortune.

.

Their classic immigrant success story began in 1877 when Thaksin's great-grandfather arrived in Siam as a penniless immigrant from China.

.

At that time Seng Sae Khu, one of countless fortune-seekers who left Guangdong province during that era, did not even possess the Shinawatra name that the family adopted later during an assimilation campaign.

.

But by working hard, taking risks and sticking together, his many descendents became one of northern Thailand's most prosperous families, and saw one of its members become both the leader of the country and its richest man.

"The pride and joy of the family is Police Lieutenant Colonel Dr Thaksin Shinawatra who became prime minister in 2001," reads a plaque at Shinawatra Thai Silk, the lush showroom of his relatives' textile business in Chiang Mai.

.

In a mini family museum there, hang photographs of generations of Shinawatras, arrayed under an unsmiling sepia image of Seng, who prospered as a gambling tax collector.

.

However, the family really made its mark in San Kamphaeng, a pretty township just east of the northern capital, which is famed for both its textiles and the beauty of its fair-skinned women.

.

Thaksin's grandfather Chiang Shinawatra, who married a local girl, seized on the idea of transforming the small-scale weaving that went on in most homes into a commercial enterprise.

.

Soon he was selling finely woven silk around the country and beyond, and set to work his 12 children who travelled to France to study fashion and to Japan and Germany to learn new technologies.

.

By the time Thaksin was born on July 26, 1949, the Shinawatras were one of the most prominent and successful families in the region.

.

But his father Lert evidently did not have the same deft touch and his various enterprises, which included running for public office and operating a bus service, movie theatres and a coffee shop, were prone to failure.

.

Thaksin often tells the story of how he helped out his father after school, washing glasses and mixing drinks for customers.

.

But his cousin Wiwat Hirunpruk recalls that the family patriarch Chiang singled Thaksin out, and nurtured his interest in politics by bringing him in from play to read the newspaper aloud for the elderly man.

.

"He would tell us, 'There are so many butterflies in the air, anyone can catch one. But first you must reach out.' He was teaching us how to succeed in business, in a diplomatic way," Wiwat says.

.

Thaksin's success now threatens to become his downfall, after the 1.9-billion-dollar tax-free sale of the telecoms conglomerate he founded ignited anti-government sentiment and calls for his resignation.

.

After leaving San Kamphaeng behind, Thaksin joined the police force in 1973 and went into business soon after. A silk shop he opened failed, as did a foray into film distribution, before he turned to new technologies.

.

In 1981 he began leasing computers to the police force in a venture that initially struggled, plunging Thaksin and his wife Pojamarn into debt, but eventually leading to a string of profitable contracts.

.

His big break came in 1990 when he made an audacious bid for a 20-year concession from the Telephone Organisation of Thailand, paying 20 billion baht (514 million dollars) in fees to gain the contract.

.

To this day Thaksin is dogged by accusations over the way he established his business, and conflicts of interest after he went into politics, despite having handed the corporation over to his family.

.

"His rise to power was fuelled by money, and his money obtained in part by patronage," The Economist magazine said in a recent editorial that compared him to Italy's billionaire prime minister.

.

"When, in early 2001, he was on the point of winning his first election, we compared him to Italy's Silvio Berlusconi. It was not intended as a compliment," it said.

.

There were also accusations of patronage when relatives were appointed to key posts, including a cousin made army commander-in-chief, and a sister appointed president of the country's largest mobile provider.

.

Thaksin still visits San Kamphaeng, which is home to some of his most fervent supporters, particularly elderly people who fondly recall the days when he used to play in the marketplace in short trousers.

.

They are horrified at the weekly protests in the capital Bangkok demanding the premier's resignation and accusing him of corruption and abuse of power.

.

Like many other Thais outside Bangkok, where the anti-government campaign is focused, the lottery ticket seller Jamsri applauds Thaksin's efforts to rejuvenate rural areas and a "war on drugs" that left thousands dead but curbed an epidemic of methamphetamines.

.

"I'm impressed with the way he eliminated yaa ba (crazy medicine) and helped people at every level. Not only here in Chiang Mai, but everywhere," she says.

.

Local residents credit Thaksin with bringing improvements to their town, but Wiwat, Thaksin's cousin who is the founder of a major silk enterprise, admits that the family name does not always carry benefits.

.

"People say the whole family is eating the country," he says. "It's not fair when people say the Shinawatras are a bad family and refuse to come to our stores."

.

"We just happen to be Shinawatra and what is wrong with that?" ? AFP While protesters in Bangkok burn his effigy, in this northern town where Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was born they light incense sticks and pray he will continue to run the country.

.

"He is a beloved person here, everyone in San Kamphaeng loves him," says Jamsri Pokonthong, 46, at her lottery ticket stall in front of one of the traditional teak houses that line the main street.

.

"We pray to the Buddha that he will be the winner in this situation."

.

The Shinawatra name is now emblazoned on everything from satellites to silk stores, but it was in this pretty township on the outskirts of the northern city of Chiang Mai that the family made its first fortune.

.

Their classic immigrant success story began in 1877 when Thaksin's great-grandfather arrived in Siam as a penniless immigrant from China.

.

At that time Seng Sae Khu, one of countless fortune-seekers who left Guangdong province during that era, did not even possess the Shinawatra name that the family adopted later during an assimilation campaign.

.

But by working hard, taking risks and sticking together, his many descendents became one of northern Thailand's most prosperous families, and saw one of its members become both the leader of the country and its richest man.

.

"The pride and joy of the family is Police Lieutenant Colonel Dr Thaksin Shinawatra who became prime minister in 2001," reads a plaque at Shinawatra Thai Silk, the lush showroom of his relatives' textile business in Chiang Mai.

.

In a mini family museum there, hang photographs of generations of Shinawatras, arrayed under an unsmiling sepia image of Seng, who prospered as a gambling tax collector.

.

However, the family really made its mark in San Kamphaeng, a pretty township just east of the northern capital, which is famed for both its textiles and the beauty of its fair-skinned women.

.

Thaksin's grandfather Chiang Shinawatra, who married a local girl, seized on the idea of transforming the small-scale weaving that went on in most homes into a commercial enterprise.

.

Soon he was selling finely woven silk around the country and beyond, and set to work his 12 children who travelled to France to study fashion and to Japan and Germany to learn new technologies.

.

By the time Thaksin was born on July 26, 1949, the Shinawatras were one of the most prominent and successful families in the region.

.

But his father Lert evidently did not

have the same deft touch and his various enterprises, which included running for public office and operating a bus service, movie theatres and a coffee shop, were prone to failure.

.

Thaksin often tells the story of how he helped out his father after school, washing glasses and mixing drinks for customers.

.

But his cousin Wiwat Hirunpruk recalls that the family patriarch Chiang singled Thaksin out, and nurtured his interest in politics by bringing him in from play to read the newspaper aloud for the elderly man.

.

"He would tell us, 'There are so many butterflies in the air, anyone can catch one. But first you must reach out.' He was teaching us how to succeed in business, in a diplomatic way," Wiwat says.

.

Thaksin's success now threatens to become his downfall, after the 1.9-billion-dollar tax-free sale of the telecoms conglomerate he founded ignited anti-government sentiment and calls for his resignation.

.

After leaving San Kamphaeng behind, Thaksin joined the police force in 1973 and went into business soon after. A silk shop he opened failed, as did a foray into film distribution, before he turned to new technologies.

.

In 1981 he began leasing computers to the police force in a venture that initially struggled, plunging Thaksin and his wife Pojamarn into debt, but eventually leading to a string of profitable contracts.

.

His big break came in 1990 when he made an audacious bid for a 20-year concession from the Telephone Organisation of Thailand, paying 20 billion baht (514 million dollars) in fees to gain the contract.

.

To this day Thaksin is dogged by accusations over the way he established his business, and conflicts of interest after he went into politics, despite having handed the corporation over to his family.

.

"His rise to power was fuelled by money, and his money obtained in part by patronage," The Economist magazine said in a recent editorial that compared him to Italy's billionaire prime minister.

.

"When, in early 2001, he was on the point of winning his first election, we compared him to Italy's Silvio Berlusconi. It was not intended as a compliment," it said.

.

There were also accusations of patronage when relatives were appointed to key posts, including a cousin made army commander-in-chief, and a sister appointed president of the country's largest mobile provider.

.

Thaksin still visits San Kamphaeng, which is home to some of his most fervent supporters, particularly elderly people who fondly recall the days when he used to play in the marketplace in short trousers.

.

They are horrified at the weekly protests in the capital Bangkok demanding the premier's resignation and accusing him of corruption and abuse of power.

.

Like many other Thais outside Bangkok, where the anti-government campaign is focused, the lottery ticket seller Jamsri applauds Thaksin's efforts to rejuvenate rural areas and a "war on drugs" that left thousands dead but curbed an epidemic of methamphetamines.

.

"I'm impressed with the way he eliminated yaa ba (crazy medicine) and helped people at every level. Not only here in Chiang Mai, but everywhere," she says.

.

Local residents credit Thaksin with bringing improvements to their town, but Wiwat, Thaksin's cousin who is the founder of a major silk enterprise, admits that the family name does not always carry benefits.

.

"People say the whole family is eating the country," he says. "It's not fair when people say the Shinawatras are a bad family and refuse to come to our stores."

.

"We just happen to be Shinawatra and what is wrong with that?" ? AFP While protesters in Bangkok burn his effigy, in this northern town where Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was born they light incense sticks and pray he will continue to run the country.

.

"He is a beloved person here, everyone in San Kamphaeng loves him," says Jamsri Pokonthong, 46, at her lottery ticket stall in front of one of the traditional teak houses that line the main street.

.

"We pray to the Buddha that he will be the winner in this situation."

.

The Shinawatra name is now emblazoned on everything from satellites to silk stores, but it was in this pretty township on the outskirts of the northern city of Chiang Mai that the family made its first fortune.

.

Their classic immigrant success story began in 1877 when Thaksin's great-grandfather arrived in Siam as a penniless immigrant from China.

.

At that time Seng Sae Khu, one of countless fortune-seekers who left Guangdong province during that era, did not even possess the Shinawatra name that the family adopted later during an assimilation campaign.

.

But by working hard, taking risks and sticking together, his many descendents became one of northern Thailand's most prosperous families, and saw one of its members become both the leader of the country and its richest man.

.

"The pride and joy of the family is Police Lieutenant Colonel Dr Thaksin Shinawatra who became prime minister in 2001," reads a plaque at Shinawatra Thai Silk, the lush showroom of his relatives' textile business in Chiang Mai.

.

In a mini family museum there, hang photographs of generations of Shinawatras, arrayed under an unsmiling sepia image of Seng, who prospered as a gambling tax collector.

.

However, the family really made its mark in San Kamphaeng, a pretty township just east of the northern capital, which is famed for both its textiles and the beauty of its fair-skinned women.

.

Thaksin's grandfather Chiang Shinawatra, who married a local girl, seized on the idea of transforming the small-scale weaving that went on in most homes into a commercial enterprise.

.

Soon he was selling finely woven silk around the country and beyond, and set to work his 12 children who travelled to France to study fashion and to Japan and Germany to learn new technologies.

.

By the time Thaksin was born on July 26, 1949, the Shinawatras were one of the most prominent and successful families in the region.

.

But his father Lert evidently did not have the same deft touch and his various enterprises, which included running for public office and operating a bus service, movie theatres and a coffee shop, were prone to failure.

.

Thaksin often tells the story of how he helped out his father after school, washing glasses and mixing drinks for customers.

.

But his cousin Wiwat Hirunpruk recalls that the family patriarch Chiang singled Thaksin out, and nurtured his interest in politics by bringing him in from play to read the newspaper aloud for the elderly man.

.

"He would tell us, 'There are so many butterflies in the air, anyone can catch one. But first you must reach out.' He was teaching us how to succeed in business, in a diplomatic way," Wiwat says.

.

Thaksin's success now threatens to become his downfall, after the 1.9-billion-dollar tax-free sale of the telecoms conglomerate he founded ignited anti-government sentiment and calls for his resignation.

.

After leaving San Kamphaeng behind, Thaksin joined the police force in 1973 and went into business soon after. A silk shop he opened failed, as did a foray into film distribution, before he turned to new technologies.

.

In 1981 he began leasing computers to the police force in a venture that initially struggled, plunging Thaksin

and his wife Pojamarn into debt, but eventually leading to a string of profitable contracts.

.

His big break came in 1990 when he made an audacious bid for a 20-year concession from the Telephone Organisation of Thailand, paying 20 billion baht (514 million dollars) in fees to gain the contract.

.

To this day Thaksin is dogged by accusations over the way he established his business, and conflicts of interest after he went into politics, despite having handed the corporation over to his family.

.

"His rise to power was fuelled by money, and his money obtained in part by patronage," The Economist magazine said in a recent editorial that compared him to Italy's billionaire prime minister.

.

"When, in early 2001, he was on the point of winning his first election, we compared him to Italy's Silvio Berlusconi. It was not intended as a compliment," it said.

.

There were also accusations of patronage when relatives were appointed to key posts, including a cousin made army commander-in-chief, and a sister appointed president of the country's largest mobile provider.

.

Thaksin still visits San Kamphaeng, which is home to some of his most fervent supporters, particularly elderly people who fondly recall the days when he used to play in the marketplace in short trousers.

.

They are horrified at the weekly protests in the capital Bangkok demanding the premier's resignation and accusing him of corruption and abuse of power.

.

Like many other Thais outside Bangkok, where the anti-government campaign is focused, the lottery ticket seller Jamsri applauds Thaksin's efforts to rejuvenate rural areas and a "war on drugs" that left thousands dead but curbed an epidemic of methamphetamines.

.

"I'm impressed with the way he eliminated yaa ba (crazy medicine) and helped people at every level. Not only here in Chiang Mai, but everywhere," she says.

.

Local residents credit Thaksin with bringing improvements to their town, but Wiwat, Thaksin's cousin who is the founder of a major silk enterprise, admits that the family name does not always carry benefits.

.

"People say the whole family is eating the country," he says. "It's not fair when people say the Shinawatras are a bad family and refuse to come to our stores."

.

"We just happen to be Shinawatra and what is wrong with that?" ? AFP While protesters in Bangkok burn his effigy, in this northern town where Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was born they light incense sticks and pray he will continue to run the country.

.

"He is a beloved person here, everyone in San Kamphaeng loves him," says Jamsri Pokonthong, 46, at her lottery ticket stall in front of one of the traditional teak houses that line the main street.

.

"We pray to the Buddha that he will be the winner in this situation."

.

The Shinawatra name is now emblazoned on everything from satellites to silk stores, but it was in this pretty township on the outskirts of the northern city of Chiang Mai that the family made its first fortune.

.

Their classic immigrant success story began in 1877 when Thaksin's great-grandfather arrived in Siam as a penniless immigrant from China.

.

At that time Seng Sae Khu, one of countless fortune-seekers who left Guangdong province during that era, did not even possess the Shinawatra name that the family adopted later during an assimilation campaign.

.

But by working hard, taking risks and sticking together, his many descendents became one of northern Thailand's most prosperous families, and saw one of its members become both the leader of the country and its richest man.

.

"The pride and joy of the family is Police Lieutenant Colonel Dr Thaksin Shinawatra who became prime minister in 2001," reads a plaque at Shinawatra Thai Silk, the lush showroom of his relatives' textile business in Chiang Mai.

.

In a mini family museum there, hang photographs of generations of Shinawatras, arrayed under an unsmiling sepia image of Seng, who prospered as a gambling tax collector.

.

However, the family really made its mark in San Kamphaeng, a pretty township just east of the northern capital, which is famed for both its textiles and the beauty of its fair-skinned women.

.

Thaksin's grandfather Chiang Shinawatra, who married a local girl, seized on the idea of transforming the small-scale weaving that went on in most homes into a commercial enterprise.

.

Soon he was selling finely woven silk around the country and beyond, and set to work his 12 children who travelled to France to study fashion and to Japan and Germany to learn new technologies.

.

By the time Thaksin was born on July 26, 1949, the Shinawatras were one of the most prominent and successful families in the region.

.

But his father Lert evidently did not have the same deft touch and his various enterprises, which included running for public office and operating a bus service, movie theatres and a coffee shop, were prone to failure.

.

Thaksin often tells the story of how he helped out his father after school, washing glasses and mixing drinks for customers.

.

But his cousin Wiwat Hirunpruk recalls that the family patriarch Chiang singled Thaksin out, and nurtured his interest in politics by bringing him in from play to read the newspaper aloud for the elderly man.

.

"He would tell us, 'There are so many butterflies in the air, anyone can catch one. But first you must reach out.' He was teaching us how to succeed in business, in a diplomatic way," Wiwat says.

.

Thaksin's success now threatens to become his downfall, after the 1.9-billion-dollar tax-free sale of the telecoms conglomerate he founded ignited anti-government sentiment and calls for his resignation.

.

After leaving San Kamphaeng behind, Thaksin joined the police force in 1973 and went into business soon after. A silk shop he opened failed, as did a foray into film distribution, before he turned to new technologies.

.

In 1981 he began leasing computers to the police force in a venture that initially struggled, plunging Thaksin and his wife Pojamarn into debt, but eventually leading to a string of profitable contracts.

.

His big break came in 1990 when he made an audacious bid for a 20-year concession from the Telephone Organisation of Thailand, paying 20 billion baht (514 million dollars) in fees to gain the contract.

.

To this day Thaksin is dogged by accusations over the way he established his business, and conflicts of interest after he went into politics, despite having handed the corporation over to his family.

.

"His rise to power was fuelled by money, and his money obtained in part by patronage," The Economist magazine said in a recent editorial that compared him to Italy's billionaire prime minister.

.

"When, in early 2001, he was on the point of winning his first election, we compared him to Italy's Silvio Berlusconi. It was not intended as a compliment," it said.

.

There were also accusations of patronage when relatives were appointed to key posts, including a cousin made army commander-in-chief, and a sister appointed president of the country's largest mobile provider.

.

Thaksin still visits San Kamphaeng, which is home to some of his most fervent supporters, particularly elderly people who fondly recall the days when he used to play in the marketplace in short trousers.

.

They are horrified at the weekly protests in the capital Bangkok demanding the premier's resignation and accusing him of corruption and abuse of power.

.

Like many other Thais outside Bangkok, where the anti-government campaign is focused, the lottery ticket seller Jamsri applauds Thaksin's efforts to rejuvenate rural areas and a "war on drugs" that left thousands dead but curbed an epidemic of methamphetamines.

.

"I'm impressed with the way he eliminated yaa ba (crazy medicine) and helped people at every level. Not only here in Chiang Mai, but everywhere," she says.

.

Local residents credit Thaksin with bringing improvements to their town, but Wiwat, Thaksin's cousin who is the founder of a major silk enterprise, admits that the family name does not always carry benefits.

.

"People say the whole family is eating the country," he says. "It's not fair when people say the Shinawatras are a bad family and refuse to come to our stores."

.

"We just happen to be Shinawatra and what is wrong with that?" ? AFP While protesters in Bangkok burn his effigy, in this northern town where Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was born they light incense sticks and pray he will continue to run the country.

.

"He is a beloved person here, everyone in San Kamphaeng loves him," says Jamsri Pokonthong, 46, at her lottery ticket stall in front of one of the traditional teak houses that line the main street.

.

"We pray to the Buddha that he will be the winner in this situation."

.

The Shinawatra name is now emblazoned on everything from satellites to silk stores, but it was in this pretty township on the outskirts of the northern city of Chiang Mai that the family made its first fortune.

.

Their classic immigrant success story began in 1877 when Thaksin's great-grandfather arrived in Siam as a penniless immigrant from China.

.

At that time Seng Sae Khu, one of countless fortune-seekers who left Guangdong province during that era, did not even possess the Shinawatra name that the family adopted later during an assimilation campaign.

.

But by working hard, taking risks and sticking together, his many descendents became one of northern Thailand's most prosperous families, and saw one of its members become both the leader of the country and its richest man.

.

"The pride and joy of the family is Police Lieutenant Colonel Dr Thaksin Shinawatra who became prime minister in 2001," reads a plaque at Shinawatra Thai Silk, the lush showroom of his relatives' textile business in Chiang Mai.

.

In a mini family museum there, hang photographs of generations of Shinawatras, arrayed under an unsmiling sepia image of Seng, who prospered as a gambling tax collector.

.

However, the family really made its mark in San Kamphaeng, a pretty township just east of the northern capital, which is famed for both its textiles and the beauty of its fair-skinned women.

.

Thaksin's grandfather Chiang Shinawatra, who married a local girl, seized on the idea of transforming the small-scale weaving that went on in most homes into a commercial enterprise.

.

Soon he was selling finely woven silk around the country and beyond, and set to work his 12 children who travelled to France to study fashion and to Japan and Germany to learn new technologies.

.

By the time Thaksin was born on July 26, 1949, the Shinawatras were one of the most prominent and successful families in the region.

.

But his father Lert evidently did not have the same deft touch and his various enterprises, which included running for public office and operating a bus service, movie theatres and a coffee shop, were prone to failure.

.

Thaksin often tells the story of how he helped out his father after school, washing glasses and mixing drinks for customers.

.

But his cousin Wiwat Hirunpruk recalls that the family patriarch Chiang singled Thaksin out, and nurtured his interest in politics by bringing him in from play to read the newspaper aloud for the elderly man.

.

"He would tell us, 'There are so many butterflies in the air, anyone can catch one. But first you must reach out.' He was teaching us how to succeed in business, in a diplomatic way," Wiwat says.

.

Thaksin's success now threatens to become his downfall, after the 1.9-billion-dollar tax-free sale of the telecoms conglomerate he founded ignited anti-government sentiment and calls for his resignation.

.

After leaving San Kamphaeng behind, Thaksin joined the police force in 1973 and went into business soon after. A silk shop he opened failed, as did a foray into film distribution, before he turned to new technologies.

.

In 1981 he began leasing computers to the police force in a venture that initially struggled, plunging Thaksin and his wife Pojamarn into debt, but eventually leading to a string of profitable contracts.

.

His big break came in 1990 when he made an audacious bid for a 20-year concession from the Telephone Organisation of Thailand, paying 20 billion baht (514 million dollars) in fees to gain the contract.

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To this day Thaksin is dogged by accusations over the way he established his business, and conflicts of interest after he went into politics, despite having handed the corporation over to his family.

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"His rise to power was fuelled by money, and his money obtained in part by patronage," The Economist magazine said in a recent editorial that compared him to Italy's billionaire prime minister.

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"When, in early 2001, he was on the point of winning his first election, we compared him to Italy's Silvio Berlusconi. It was not intended as a compliment," it said.

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There were also accusations of patronage when relatives were appointed to key posts, including a cousin made army commander-in-chief, and a sister appointed president of the country's largest mobile provider.

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Thaksin still visits San Kamphaeng, which is home to some of his most fervent supporters, particularly elderly people who fondly recall the days when he used to play in the marketplace in short trousers.

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They are horrified at the weekly protests in the capital Bangkok demanding the premier's resignation and accusing him of corruption and abuse of power.

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Like many other Thais outside Bangkok, where the anti-government campaign is focused, the lottery ticket seller Jamsri applauds Thaksin's efforts to rejuvenate rural areas and a "war on drugs" that left thousands dead but curbed an epidemic of methamphetamines.

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"I'm impressed with the way he eliminated yaa ba (crazy medicine) and helped people at every level. Not only here in Chiang Mai, but everywhere," she says.

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Local residents credit Thaksin with bringing improvements to their town, but Wiwat, Thaksin's cousin who is the founder of a major silk enterprise, admits that the family name does not always carry benefits.

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"People say the whole family is eating the country," he says. "It's not fair when people say the Shinawatras are a bad family and refuse to come to our stores."

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"We just happen to be Shinawatra and what is wrong with that?" ? AFP

 

http://www.todayonline.com/articles/107635.asp

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