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Problem with Yingluck as PM candidate is her brother loves her


Coss

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Whether or not Thaksin Shinawatra will risk his beloved youngest sister Yingluck in politics has become a fascinating story, not least because it is a rare Thai political dilemma with real human elements.

 

While her possible nomination as Pheu Thai's candidate to be prime minister may be good for the party, as she could romanticise the election campaign, the idea has its downside. She may end up being a sacrificial lamb.

 

Yingluck's increasing presence in news headlines has to do with the fact that Mingkwan Saengsuwan faces the same fate as Yongyuth Wichaidit. Thaksin has tried and tested Mingkwan but is not satisfied. Last week's messages from the man in exile were that the censure is over, and so is Mingkwan's status as challenger to Abhisit Vejjajiva's chief executive title.

 

Thaksin stopped short of saying Yingluck was now his first choice. Party sources also disputed news reports yesterday that Thaksin had given a green light for her to be put on top of Pheu Thai's party list to herald her as prime ministerial contender. Thaksin did meet Yingluck and other key members of the Shinawatra clan overseas days ago, but he was far from making a final decision on who the opposition party would sell as PM candidate, the sources said.

 

Analysts believe Thaksin is unlikely to subject Yingluck to the turbulence of Thai politics unless he is convinced that Pheu Thai will win the election by a landslide, perhaps enough to form a single-party government. This means pre-election surveys can play a big role in determining whom he finally picks as Abhisit's challenger.

 

When it comes to Yingluck, Thaksin wants to take the least gamble. The blood ties are certain to turn her into a major political target. Her virtual nomination can be interpreted as his malicious motive to whitewash himself legally and possibly get back seized assets. She will be attacked as his nominee and political rivals will leave no stone unturned in scrutinising her business interests and connections. Reconciliation efforts, already fragile, may give way to renewed cut-throat politics.

 

On the other hand, Yingluck is a person who could keep the shaky Pheu Thai together. Her nomination would signal intent strong enough to make potential defectors change their minds or at least think twice. Uncertain as Pheu Thai's future is, Yingluck's arrival would ensure that financial support would not be an issue. Thaksin would never leave his darling sister out in the cold.

 

And with the yellow shirts much weaker now, Yingluck could be spared the political tumult that befell Thaksin, Samak Sundaravej and Somchai Wongsawat. She could even invigorate Pheu Thai's campaign using her status as the potential first female PM of Thailand. Moreover, at 48 Abhisit remains politically young but even he is four years older than Yingluck, who can also match him for looks. Last but not least, with this election being a real make or break, who would you trust to take care of major things if not your dear sister?

 

If Thaksin's love and concern for this sister override his self-interest, he will turn to lesser choices. Names like Bannapot Damapong, brother of Thaksin's ex-wife Pojaman, and Boonklee Plangsiri, former top Shin Corp executive, have been floated.

 

Both Bannapot and Boonklee have been more or less embroiled in controversial business dealings by Thaksin, so their nominations carry no less a risk than Yingluck. Then again, if Thaksin was to pick one from his inner circle as PM candidate, there is no-one who is not controversial.

 

Political decisions are not always easy, Thaksin must have learned. When "the other hat" is that of a big brother, they can be twice as difficult. Talk about real conflict of interest.

 

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